May272013
May192013
betype:

By Adrian Iorga. My tumblr and my behance. Available on society6.

betype:

By Adrian Iorga. My tumblr and my behance. Available on society6.

4AM
betype:

riseandfallgraphic.tumblr.com

Get inspired on Betype.co

betype:

riseandfallgraphic.tumblr.com

May92013
1AM
betype:

The Feeling’s Mutual (by Lee Crutchley | Quoteskine)

Get inspired on Betype.co


Awwwwww

betype:

The Feeling’s Mutual (by Lee Crutchley | Quoteskine)

Awwwwww

1AM
May72013

My Words

My son was born Sept 1st 2011. I still have no idea what he is like. I refused to be a part of his life out of fear. Fear of responsability, fear of how people will judge me, fear of having to do something.
In all reality, I am a lazy person who has done his best to avoid all major ownership of most things in my life. I play the victim and scapegoat others. I am not proud of this and have tried to hide from this behavior as well.
Courts would call this an admission of guilt, Catholics, a confession. What it truly is is a full pardon and forgiveness of myself. The begining of a transformation. I have been trying to figure out what kind of person I want to be for a while now and have always been in admiration of my father.
And that is it. My father is an honest man who does his best to live rightly. Not selflessly, not with hubris, not indignantly, not rightously; but humanly. He does what he can and he is a good man.
I choose to be like him, I choose to be human, and I choose to be a father.
I am beyond frightened and have no idea what I am doing but I don’t care. I can’t fuck up any worse than by not being around. Gabe, I will be there when you need me. Not every moment of everyday, but you are my son, and if you let me I am your father.

April232013

(via sexofacto)

February102013
anarcho-queer:

Image: A revolutionary pamphlet given out during the Seattle General Strike which instigated the First Red Scare and the Palmer Raids.
Events Leading To General Strike
The Seattle General Strike of 1919 was a five-day general work stoppage by over 65,000 workers in the city of Seattle, Washington, which lasted from February 6 to February 11 of that year. Dissatisfied workers in several unions began the strike to gain higher wages after two years of World War I wage controls. Although the strike was non-violent and lasted less than a week, government officials, the press, and much of the public viewed the strike as a radical attempt to subvert US institutions.
In late 1918, workers of Seattle’s shipbuilding industry demanded a pay increase for unskilled workers and were instead offered pay increases only to skilled workers in an attempt to divide the union. The union rejected that offer and Seattle’s 35,000 shipyard workers went on strike on January 21, 1919. After Charles Piez, head of the Emergency Fleet Corporation (EFC), an enterprise created by the federal government as a wartime measure and the largest employer in the industry, sent a telegram to the yard owners threatening to withdraw their contracts if any increase in wages were granted, the shipyard workers responded with anger directed at both their employers and the federal government and immediately appealed to the Seattle Central Labor Council for a general strike of all workers in Seattle.
Members of various unions were polled, with almost unanimous support in favor–even among traditionally conservative unions. As many as 110 locals officially supported the call for a general strike to begin on February 6, 1919, at 10:00 am.
Strike
A cooperative body made up of rank and file workers from all the striking locals was formed during the strike, called the General Strike Committee. It acted as a “virtual counter-government for the city.” The committee organized to provide essential services for the people of Seattle during the work stoppage. For instance, garbage that would create a health hazard was collected, laundry workers continued to handle hospital laundry, and firemen remained on duty. Exemptions to the stoppage of labor had to be passed by the Strike Committee, and authorized vehicles bore signs to that effect. In general, work was not halted if doing so would endanger lives.
In other cases, workers acted on their own initiative to create new institutions. Milk wagon drivers, after being denied the right by their employers to keep certain dairies open, established a distribution system of 35 neighborhood milk stations. A system of food distribution was also established, which throughout the strike committee distributed as many as 30,000 meals each day. Strikers paid twenty-five cents per meal, and the general public paid thirty-five cents. Beef stew, spaghetti, bread, and coffee were offered on an all-you-can-eat basis.
Army veterans created an alternative to the police in order to maintain order. A group called the “Labor War Veteran’s Guard” forbade the use of force and did not carry weapons, and used “persuasion only.” Peacekeeping proved unnecessary. The regular police forces made no arrests in actions related to the strike, and general arrests dropped to less than half their normal number. Major General John F. Morrison, stationed in Seattle, claimed that he had never seen “a city so quiet and orderly.”
The methods of organization adopted by the striking workers bore resemblance to anarcho-syndicalism, perhaps reflecting the influence of the Industrial Workers of the World in the Pacific Northwest, though only a few striking locals were officially affiliated with the IWW.
End of General Strike
The General Strike ended after Mayor Hanson increased the police and military forces available to enforce order, though there was no disorder, and possibly to take the place of striking workers.
Mayor Hanson had federal troops available and stationed 950 sailors and marines across the city by February 7. He added 600 men to the police force and hired 2,400 special deputies, students from the University of Washington for the most part. On February 7, Mayor Hansen threatened to use 1,500 police and 1,500 troops to replace striking workers the next day, but the strikers assumed this was an empty threat and were proved correct. The Mayor continued his rhetorical attack on February 9, saying that the “sympathetic strike was called in the exact manner as was the revolution in Petrograd.” Mayor Hansen told reporters that “any man who attempts to take over the control of the municipal government functions will be shot.”
On February 10, the General Strike Committee voted to end the general strike on February 11 and by noon on that day it was over.
Aftermath
Immediately following the general strike’s end, 39 IWW members were arrested as “ringleaders of anarchy”, despite their playing a marginal role in the development of events. Seattle’s mayor Ole Hanson took credit for ending the strike and was hailed by some of the press. He resigned a few months later and toured the country giving lectures on the dangers of “domestic bolshevism.” He earned $38,000 in seven months, five times his annual salary as mayor. He agreed that the general strike was a revolutionary event. In his view, the fact that it was peaceful proved its revolutionary nature and intent. He wrote:

The so-called sympathetic Seattle strike was an attempted revolution. That there was no violence does not alter the fact… The intent, openly and covertly announced, was for the overthrow of the industrial system; here first, then everywhere… True, there were no flashing guns, no bombs, no killings. Revolution, I repeat, doesn’t need violence. The general strike, as practised in Seattle, is of itself the weapon of revolution, all the more dangerous because quiet. To succeed, it must suspend everything; stop the entire life stream of a community… That is to say, it puts the government out of operation. And that is all there is to revolt–no matter how achieved.


I’m reblogging this because i want read it later.

anarcho-queer:

Image: A revolutionary pamphlet given out during the Seattle General Strike which instigated the First Red Scare and the Palmer Raids.

Events Leading To General Strike

The Seattle General Strike of 1919 was a five-day general work stoppage by over 65,000 workers in the city of Seattle, Washington, which lasted from February 6 to February 11 of that year. Dissatisfied workers in several unions began the strike to gain higher wages after two years of World War I wage controls. Although the strike was non-violent and lasted less than a week, government officials, the press, and much of the public viewed the strike as a radical attempt to subvert US institutions.

In late 1918, workers of Seattle’s shipbuilding industry demanded a pay increase for unskilled workers and were instead offered pay increases only to skilled workers in an attempt to divide the union. The union rejected that offer and Seattle’s 35,000 shipyard workers went on strike on January 21, 1919. After Charles Piez, head of the Emergency Fleet Corporation (EFC), an enterprise created by the federal government as a wartime measure and the largest employer in the industry, sent a telegram to the yard owners threatening to withdraw their contracts if any increase in wages were granted, the shipyard workers responded with anger directed at both their employers and the federal government and immediately appealed to the Seattle Central Labor Council for a general strike of all workers in Seattle.

Members of various unions were polled, with almost unanimous support in favor–even among traditionally conservative unions. As many as 110 locals officially supported the call for a general strike to begin on February 6, 1919, at 10:00 am.

Strike

A cooperative body made up of rank and file workers from all the striking locals was formed during the strike, called the General Strike Committee. It acted as a “virtual counter-government for the city.The committee organized to provide essential services for the people of Seattle during the work stoppage. For instance, garbage that would create a health hazard was collected, laundry workers continued to handle hospital laundry, and firemen remained on duty. Exemptions to the stoppage of labor had to be passed by the Strike Committee, and authorized vehicles bore signs to that effect. In general, work was not halted if doing so would endanger lives.

In other cases, workers acted on their own initiative to create new institutions. Milk wagon drivers, after being denied the right by their employers to keep certain dairies open, established a distribution system of 35 neighborhood milk stations. A system of food distribution was also established, which throughout the strike committee distributed as many as 30,000 meals each day. Strikers paid twenty-five cents per meal, and the general public paid thirty-five cents. Beef stew, spaghetti, bread, and coffee were offered on an all-you-can-eat basis.

Army veterans created an alternative to the police in order to maintain order. A group called the “Labor War Veteran’s Guard” forbade the use of force and did not carry weapons, and used “persuasion only.” Peacekeeping proved unnecessary. The regular police forces made no arrests in actions related to the strike, and general arrests dropped to less than half their normal number. Major General John F. Morrison, stationed in Seattle, claimed that he had never seen “a city so quiet and orderly.

The methods of organization adopted by the striking workers bore resemblance to anarcho-syndicalism, perhaps reflecting the influence of the Industrial Workers of the World in the Pacific Northwest, though only a few striking locals were officially affiliated with the IWW.

End of General Strike

The General Strike ended after Mayor Hanson increased the police and military forces available to enforce order, though there was no disorder, and possibly to take the place of striking workers.

Mayor Hanson had federal troops available and stationed 950 sailors and marines across the city by February 7. He added 600 men to the police force and hired 2,400 special deputies, students from the University of Washington for the most part. On February 7, Mayor Hansen threatened to use 1,500 police and 1,500 troops to replace striking workers the next day, but the strikers assumed this was an empty threat and were proved correct. The Mayor continued his rhetorical attack on February 9, saying that the “sympathetic strike was called in the exact manner as was the revolution in Petrograd.” Mayor Hansen told reporters that “any man who attempts to take over the control of the municipal government functions will be shot.

On February 10, the General Strike Committee voted to end the general strike on February 11 and by noon on that day it was over.

Aftermath

Immediately following the general strike’s end, 39 IWW members were arrested as “ringleaders of anarchy”, despite their playing a marginal role in the development of events. Seattle’s mayor Ole Hanson took credit for ending the strike and was hailed by some of the press. He resigned a few months later and toured the country giving lectures on the dangers of “domestic bolshevism.” He earned $38,000 in seven months, five times his annual salary as mayor. He agreed that the general strike was a revolutionary event. In his view, the fact that it was peaceful proved its revolutionary nature and intent. He wrote:

The so-called sympathetic Seattle strike was an attempted revolution. That there was no violence does not alter the fact… The intent, openly and covertly announced, was for the overthrow of the industrial system; here first, then everywhere… True, there were no flashing guns, no bombs, no killings. Revolution, I repeat, doesn’t need violence. The general strike, as practised in Seattle, is of itself the weapon of revolution, all the more dangerous because quiet. To succeed, it must suspend everything; stop the entire life stream of a community… That is to say, it puts the government out of operation. And that is all there is to revolt–no matter how achieved.

I’m reblogging this because i want read it later.

February62013
stoweboyd:

parislemon:

courtenaybird:

A Beautiful Vision Of An American High-Speed Rail Map 
Imagine if the country was linked by a network of 220-mile-per-hour trains.

Want now. But, as they note, “Given the difficulties in building just a tiny part of this system (the chunk of the Yellow Line from L.A. to San Francisco), we’re so amazingly far away from this happening.”

Please, Mr Obama, this is a great way to stimulate the economy and counter global warming.

stoweboyd:

parislemon:

courtenaybird:

A Beautiful Vision Of An American High-Speed Rail Map 

Imagine if the country was linked by a network of 220-mile-per-hour trains.

Want now. But, as they note, “Given the difficulties in building just a tiny part of this system (the chunk of the Yellow Line from L.A. to San Francisco), we’re so amazingly far away from this happening.”

Please, Mr Obama, this is a great way to stimulate the economy and counter global warming.

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